Holy Roman Empire - Chapter 466
Chapter 466: Chapter 39: The Appearance of the Fisherman
The political concept of an alliance between England, France, and Austria actually emerged several years ago, after the arms race among England, France, and Austria.
The Royal Navy failed to meet the two-power standard in the arms race; the visionaries within the British Government believed that continued opposition might lead to an alliance between France and Austria, which would not be in Britannia’s interest.
Some then proposed an alliance between the three nations, attempting to use the treaty to restrain France and Austria from expanding their armaments, while establishing Britannia’s dominant global status and creating an international order centered around the United Kingdom.
This plan was clearly too idealistic because the conflicts in interests among the three nations meant that the concept always remained just that, never becoming a reality.
Even today, France and Austria do not acknowledge the British as the world’s dominators. No one wants to bow down; both the French and Austrians are full of pride, and just on matters of face alone, everyone finds it intolerable.
One only needs to read the European newspapers to know that, internationally, it is recognized that England, France, and Austria form a tripartite balance. The British have an advantage in naval and economic terms, but fall far behind on land forces.
In the age of sea power, the naval dominator was the global dominator. But in this era, the center of the world is on the European Continent, and France and Austria wield greater influence there.
In times when the leader cannot suppress the second and third in rank, the status of dominator becomes nominal—in fact, not even this “name” is globally recognized.
Not long ago, the London Government suddenly decided to promote an alliance between the three countries, not only to dismantle the France-Austrian Alliance but to make the title of world dominator truly fitting.
An alliance among England, France, and Austria would naturally make the leader the world dominator. This isn’t just a nominal title; it carries a host of benefits.
With this title, in overseas expansions, the British can obtain benefits more easily, and France and Austria can also gain advantages, only not as much as the British.
One of the biggest benefits is currency supremacy; undoubtedly, the title of world dominator would greatly enhance the status of the British Pounds, enabling it to crush the Divine Shield and Franc to become the world currency.
The benefits involved in the three-nation alliance are very extensive, and negotiations had barely started before they reached a deadlock. The sudden outbreak of the Anglo-Ebura war made the alliance even more elusive.
Many breathed a sigh of relief, particularly Berlin and Saint Petersburg, for once England, France, and Austria formed an alliance, there would be no more opportunities for them.
Everyone knew that the Anglo-Ebura war was underscored by the Anglo-Austrian competition. All eyes were on Vienna and London, wanting to see the two countries’ reactions.
Unfortunately, the outcome was very disappointing; the Vienna Government acted as if nothing had happened, and the London Government did not respond at all.
This was only the outsiders’ view; in reality, the London Government was far from calm. Clashing with Austria at this time had already affected their prior plans.
Now that war had broken out, it was too late for words. Britannia needed to save face and could not just back down out of fear of Austria.
Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli had already labeled Governor Delf as incompetent in his mind. Of course, should the war be won, then this evaluation would change.
Right or wrong had nothing to do with it; the timing of the action was wrong. If they had won over the Portuguesse people and united to drive the Austrians out of the South African region, then it would have all been worth it.
Without achieving this, acting just for the two Boer Republics seemed somewhat unprofitable.
The gold mines in Transvaal and the Orange Free State had not been found yet, and while the diamond mines were starting to show promise, the current prices for diamonds were not high, and the benefits were not enough to entice Prime Minister Benjamin.
All these were minor issues; the key was that the London Government was not assured of victory. Facing the Boer people alone was naturally not a problem, but the situation changed with the involvement of Austria.
Everyone operated in the same circles, and they had a basic idea of how many tricks the others had up their sleeves. Changing into a different uniform and appearing on the battlefield was not an unfamiliar tactic.
It would be more accurate to say it was a German Descendant Republic than a Boer Republic now, even if tens of thousands of Austrian troops were mixed in, it wouldn’t be out of place.
Inland warfare put a great strain on both sides’ logistics, with neither side having much advantage to speak of.
The trouble was that Austria’s advantage on the African Continent was too great, with an endless supply of reinforcements, which caused Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli to lose confidence.
Prime Minister Benjamin directly asked, “Sir Louis, what is your opinion on the war against the Boer people?”
Without a doubt, the Colonial Department was involved in this war. Otherwise, Governor Delf alone would not have been able to organize an army of thirty thousand.
Colonial expansion means wealth; regardless of whether the government profits or loses, individuals or companies involved at the lower levels always make a killing.
Behind this war, there were also interest groups driving it. The diamond mines of the Boer Republic were not enough to entice the London Government, but they were enough to entice the colonists in the South African region.
In recent years, the South African Colonial Company clashed rapidly and had a series of armed conflicts with Austria’s Colonial Teams. They could not hold on and only stopped fighting after the intervention of both governments.
This time, they were the driving force behind the Anglo-Ebura war. It had nothing to do with hatred since the dead were all low-level thugs. There wasn’t deep-seated hatred among the upper echelons.
The main reason was that the adjoining expansion routes were all blocked; if they did not act against the Boer Republic, they would be resigned to eating dust in Namibia.
In this era, Namibia had no mineral resources to sell. As early on as the 15th century, European colonists came and then left.
There was no choice; with a semi-desert climate, even if they wanted to farm, the yield was not sufficient, and the input-output ratio for mining was not proportional.
Other than fishing, there seemed to be no income. The South African Colonial Company also had its ambitions; if they wanted to fish, they could have stayed home as fishermen. Why travel all the way to South Africa?
The bureaucrats in the colonies were very clear that if they did not act now, they would never have another chance. They came to the colonies to make money, not to while away their days.
With so many eager to fight, Governor Derfu, filled with ideals and ambitions, naturally went with the flow.
The British Colonial Department naturally wouldn’t dampen the enthusiasm of its subordinates; if they won, they would share the glory, and if they lost, they could simply blame Governor Derfu for the failure.
Sir Louis, the Colonial Minister, was not part of the current Cabinet and was not aligned with Prime Minister Benjamin; his appointment was the result of a compromise among various factions, so it was unsurprising that there was a delay in submitting reports.
“Prime Minister,” Sir Louis fabricated, “I have just found out about this matter myself. Our telegraph lines in South Africa are not very stable, and the last report missed a lot of content.
Based on the current situation, our front lines are progressing smoothly. The report says our troops have advanced hundreds of miles, and the Boer forces have collapsed upon contact.
If the Austrians do not intervene, I believe we will have no problem winning this war; we can start preparing the victory banquet for our lads now.”
Prime Minister Benjamin glared at him fiercely, having made his decision; if they won the war, then well and good, but if they lost, he would have this annoying fellow thrown out.
McLean, a trusted Foreign Minister, immediately countered, “Sir Louis, your assumptions are based on merely possible scenarios; the reality might be just the opposite.
Up to now, our Foreign Department has not received any protest from the Austrians. Surely, nobody believes that the Vienna Government wouldn’t even dare to protest?”
No news is the worst news. If the Austrians had lodged a strong protest, it would mean that the matter was still under control, and diplomacy could be used to resolve it.
Now with the Vienna Government remaining silent, it’s certain they’re planning a big move. It wouldn’t be surprising to see the conflict between Britannia and Austria escalate to direct confrontation, or even a local war.
Benjamin sneered, “Since the Colonial Department is ready, then you will take responsibility for this war, and the Cabinet will provide full support.”
“The Cabinet supporting the Colonial Department”—if such words were to be said aloud, it would definitely make the front-page headlines of London newspapers; a case of prioritizing the subsidiary over the principal was rare indeed in the United Kingdom.
The color drained from Louis’s face; he could not misinterpret the underlying message. True, this war had not gone through Cabinet approval, though in the context of colonial expansion such actions were routine and legal.
But under these circumstances, the Cabinet need not take responsibility for the war—rather, the Colonial Department and Cape Town Colonial Government would bear the full brunt.
This was not what Louis wanted; he was willing to share the credit but not the blame. He certainly did not want to be tied to the colonial officers.
Shirking responsibility was a politician’s survival instinct—if one couldn’t deftly deflect blame, one shouldn’t bother taking action. The more one does, the more mistakes one makes—a natural outcome.
Louis hastily shirked responsibility, “Prime Minister, this war was completely an accident; our Colonial Department was also uninformed beforehand. For specifics, let’s wait for the detailed report from the Governor of Cape Town!
Now that it has been confirmed the Austrians will intervene, we must take more proactive measures. If the Navy could blockade the enemy’s coastline, we would be assured of victory.”
Feeling the heat now on himself, the Minister of the Navy, Robert, scoffed, “Sir Louis, surely you know that both Boer republics are landlocked. Which port do you suggest that the Royal Navy blockade?”
Though the Royal Navy was the most powerful in the world, they were not omnipotent. At the very least, they could not blockade the Boer Republics.
A glance at the map shows the Boers bordering the Austro-African Colonies. To blockade them, one would have to blockade Austro-Africa, a coastline not too lengthy, just a few thousand kilometers.
If the Austrian Navy did not exist and the Royal Navy committed its full force, it might be feasible. Yet cooperation from France and Portugal would be necessary; otherwise, capitalists would not mind the longer route.
For a continent, the notion of a blockade is laughable. At least in the 19th century, aside from naturally disadvantaged Antarctica and Australia, the other continents have little fear of blockades.
Do not think that because the African Continent lacks industry, it cannot establish one. With people, resources, and technology, as long as the Vienna Government is willing, a primary industrial system could be developed in just two or three years.
Watching Louis in distress, Benjamin’s anger somewhat dissipated. It was better to deal with the aftermath quickly.
Otherwise, if they indeed lost the war, the Cabinet wouldn’t have any easier days. Even if blame was deflected cleanly, the label of incompetence would still stick.
Often, policies that are laughable are not for lack of politicians’ awareness, but rather due to their own interests that necessitate such decisions.
Benjamin said solemnly, “All right, Sir Louis. Your Colonial Department must quickly come up with a battle plan. We must win this war.”
They were somewhat confident about conducting a military campaign in the South African region; Austrian influence had only recently begun to spread, while they had been operating there for decades.
The forces they could deploy locally far exceeded what Austria could muster. If they acted quickly enough, maybe the war could end before Austrian reinforcements arrived.
…
As two fighters lavish their strength against each other, the fisherman reaps the rewards. Napoleon III was not content to sit idly by as the Anglo-Austrian conflict intensified. He cheered on the Vienna Government while accelerating French expansion in the Italian Area.
The gamble between Britain and Austria in the South African region had tied up much of their resources, creating an opportunity for the French that came once in a thousand years.
At this moment, no one had the strength to intervene in their annexation of the Italian Area; should negotiations fail, they were prepared to use force.
Since the outbreak of the Anglo-Ebura war, the French had increased their military presence in the Italian States, their intimidating intentions already quite clear.
If it weren’t for concern about the international community’s reaction, Napoleon III would already be sitting on the throne of Italy, now just one coronation step away.
