Napoleon in 1812 - Chapter 86
Chapter 86
14. End of the Second Hundred Years’ War – 2
“There is no time for the Cabinet and Congress to concentrate on internal disputes. We must stop this pointless war as soon as possible and revive the nation’s key industries. At this moment, I declare an end to the political conflict and suggest that the ruling and opposition parties work together to overcome this national disaster.”
“Woaaah!!”
“Grey! Grey! Grey! Grey!!”
The biggest crisis and challenge since the birth of the United Kingdom, which unified the British Isles, had now come.
The aftermath of external expeditions and internal reform failures had caused even the richest and most advanced country in Europe to falter greatly.
Heroes always appeared in times of crisis. While all the politicians in Westminster were the target of public distrust, discontent and anger, there was a new star. It was Charles Grey, the leader of the Whig Party.
In parliamentary democracy, the better the Prime Minister and Cabinet managed the state affairs, the stronger the support for the ruling party was, and the less power the opposition party had.
Charles Grey was able to expand his political influence thanks to the British situation on the verge of collapsing, just by being the leader of the opposition Whig Party. But Charles Grey was a politician who had left a number of marks.
‘We should stop a war that is not profitable and is only sacrificing our people, and we should not allow too much autonomy to the financiers. Taxes burdensome to the middle class should be abolished, etc…’
His past remarks were not much supported at the time, and voters were tired of hearing the same repeated sounds.
But now, most of his past statements were reevaluated, and their status changed completely.
Charles Grey, the Whig’s madman, had already become the most influential politician in London.
“…”
Being able to deliver such a speech at Campbell Square just in front of the Palace of Westminster itself was a sign of the changing status and influence of Charles Grey.
Prime Minister Robert Jenkinson and the Tory lawmakers had laughed at Charles Grey at the opening ceremony of Westminster’s Parliament a month ago, comparing him to a ‘dumb cow’.
But now they were vainly looking at the leader of the Whig Party, which was in the spotlight of the media and the public, as if they had lost the war.
“I will fight for the stability and development of the kingdom, the lives of the people and their families… and for the realization of justice. However, I have no intention of causing unnecessary conflict and confusing the political situation by insisting only on my arguments and values. We need cooperation! I would gladly work with Prime Minister Jenkinson and the Tory Members to overcome the crisis in the kingdom! Please look forward to it!”
Clap clap clap clap clap clap!
“Long live the British Kingdom!”
“God, protect Charles Grey!”
An explosive response came from the citizens of the square after Charles Grey’s speech that was wrapped in political tolerance, gentlemanhood, and cause.
Among them chanting his name, Charles Grey was stretching his fists toward the sky. He looked as if he had won the election.
Prime Minister Jenkinson was a man who could read the true meaning of such a performance. If Grey’s arguments at the opening of this meeting were not carried out, angry citizens should think carefully about what would happen and should make a decision. He was actually making political threats to the Tory members and the Prime Minister.
‘The wounded beast has been released back into the woods.’
Prime Minister Jenkinson was looking at Charles Grey, who came into the palace, with remorseful eyes.
France was England’s sworn enemy and had fought against it for hundreds of years. Britain had always been wary of the birth of a superpower with total hegemony of the European continent and had never been as threatened as now by France.
Seeing the French develop at a terrifying pace under Napoleon Bonaparte’s rule after defeating the frozen empire, Russia, Prime Minister Jenkinson was even more convinced. If there was a country that would plunge Britain into abyss, it would be France.
Until now, Britain had biting on one side of France’s neck with the war on the Iberian Peninsula.
As the war continued, France suffered more than Britain.
The Peninsular War itself served as a barrier against the French expansion and Napoleon’s ambition.
But the moment they signed a ceasefire, the fangs of Britain, which were currently sinking in the neck of France, would disappear.
How much stronger and more evolved France would return, and would Britain be able to stop such France?…
“It’s none of the business of a prime minister who has lost all his power and support. Now.”
Jenkinson was informed last night by Prince Regent George IV to step down as prime minister. On the surface, it looked like he was taking an honorable resignation, but in fact, his replacement was to reveal his responsibility for the current situation.
He would never step back into Westminster Palace after this fatal blow to his political life.
Feeling the emptiness of his political power, Prime Minister Jenkinson prepared for the opening ceremony, which would probably be the last of his life.
===
And on that same day, the British Parliament issued an armistice agreement on the Iberian Peninsula War. Media outlets waiting in front of the palace immediately spread the breaking news through the evening newspapers.
After hearing the headline news, citizens stormed out to the square, cheering for the end of the war and shouting their country’s name.
Only Britain was withdrawing from the fight, but Spain and Portugal could not stop France on their own.
In fact, this huge event meant the end of the entire Iberian War, and was thus concluded on the last day of March 1813.
===
Humans were rational animals and enjoyed talking with logic, but they were creatures that faithfully responded to emotions and impulses when a decisive moment came.
London’s stock market ‘big crash’ would go down in history as an event clearly revealing such human nature.
The revision of the tax law proposed by the British government before the crash was full of common sense and a highly reasonable measure to stop capital from leaking offshore and to raise the shadow economy in the open, allowing transparent investigation and use of the nation’s taxes.
But for London’s financial institutions, which had previously committed tax evasion to their heart’s content, the above set of measures could not have been pleasing.
In protest against the government, they sold their securities and bonds collectively and mercilessly.
The market could not withstand the shock, and frightened investors threw away their sales, eventually collapsing the framework of the stock market.
“Economists in Europe have created their own formulas by doing a lot of studies, market research and simulations to model the principles of market fluctuations and flows. I understand that the advisor wrote a similar thesis…”
“That’s right. When I was at Heidelberg University, I wrote about the correlation of value investment between cash and securities.”
Savoring the faint scent of black tea spreading in the room, Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord[1] gave his notes to the man in front of him.
François Carnot, who had impressive white hair and cold eyes, had emerged as the most influential figure in the current imperial politics.
And he completely interrupted Talleyrand-Périgord, who stopped his sentence midway. But even after this, Talleyrand continued to talk comfortably as if he were talking to a third party with the skills of a diplomat who had been trained for many years.
“The will and passion of scholars to explore is certainly respectable. But they must have realized that it is the will of the privileged few, neither formulas nor laws that determines the principles of the market, starting from this ‘big crash’.”
“…”
“In the end, London’s financial tycoons messed up the market with money and influence and carried their way through. The frightened public just leaned on it and got carried away. But isn’t it interesting that there are so many people in London who accuse the government rather than condemn the financiers?”
“It is the state’s job to control such mishaps from occurring. This is not going to happen in Paris.”
Carnot, as always, listened to Talleyrand with an expressionless face that did not show any emotion. Talleyrand had heard that he was just a friendly professor when he was at Heidelberg University… The transformation was amazing.
“I thought the advisor was a man similar to me. You must have understood the limitations of the current imperial system more than anyone else with you brilliant mind and cool-headed reason. But you ended up making a complacent choice. I’m just sorry about that.”
“My choice is not complacent. It’s a commitment and challenge with new expectations for the changed Emperor.”
“Changed… His Majesty is clearly showing us a different side from the past, but how long do you think it will last? I’ve seen him for longer than you have.”
Napoleon Bonaparte, whom he had met at the end of the 18th century, was simply a brilliant French hero.
When Talleyrand first saw him, he had to stop himself from cheering, saying that his country’s salvation had come. In fact, Napoleon perfectly met Talleyrand’s expectations by defending France from external threats.
But everything was reversed when the degeneration of greed and ambition came to him. The shining savior that Talleyrand cheered for turned into a dictator who had lost control.
After being disappointed by him dozens of times, Talleyrand left all hope and expectations behind. And he swore to God that he would not live for the Emperor, but for France after the disappearance of the Emperor.
“You look like my past self. It took me a long time to realize that the Emperor was not the savior we had been waiting for. Now you will follow the same path as me. I can imagine your despair, anger, and you blaming yourself for the past. I feel so sorry for you.”
Ever since he first met François Carnot, Talleyrand-Périgord had had strange expectations.
He had thought that Carnot, who had previously been critical of Napoleon’s regime and had even rejected the Emperor’s appointment without thinking twice, would agree with his ideas.
“Is that right? But I think all these things and the rhetoric seem to be your trick to rationalize your trafficked act.”
However, Carnot was pushing Talleyrand into the pit as he chased traces of treason.
Talleyrand handled everything with great care so that no traces could be found, and although no one had noticed him until now, he did not managed to escape the eyes of this new committee advisor.
“The cause of overthrowing a dictator can only be recognized as such when it is done the right way. It is only hypocrisy if the nation groans under foreign threats and a person who holds hands with them and sell out internal secrets insists that it’s to overthrow dictatorship and for the re-emergence of revolutionary consciousness.”
Talleyrand closed his eyes tightly.
“I’m also concerned about when the Emperor will regain the same ferocity as before. However, I will not do the same thing as you. I will watch, speak straight, and sometimes utter harsh words right next to His Majesty. I will not hide in fear like you, even if I am severely reprimanded or broken by His Majesty, or if I am threatened.”
Once he made up his mind, François Carnot was a person who did what he thought was right even if it would mean risking his life. Only then did Talleyrand admit it.
It was a perfect illusion to say that Carnot resembled himself in the past. Rather, he had the spirit of a young man and his loyalty to his dying country.
It was much more like Talleyrand-Périgord’s youth, at an earlier point in the past. Like a self-portrait that made him ashamed of himself who had become murky and had changed over time.
TL notes
[1] Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord painted by François Gérard
